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Everywhere outside the Soviet “sphere of influence”, the United States viewed dictatorships as pillars against communism.

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In eastern Europe, Soviet rule extinguished the seeds of pluralism that had briefly emerged in (for example) Poland, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia in Africa, military rule became the norm in several post-colonial independent states in Asia, revolutions won via Mao Zedong’s “barrel of a gun” turned into dictatorships in the middle east too, military coups installed authoritarian regimes, and monarchical states learned how to rely on force to secure their power.

But the cold-war’s entrenchment in the late 1940s and 1950s made democratic outcomes the exception. Moreover, the inter-war period saw grave setbacks for democracy, as Europe succumbed to fascist and Stalinist totalitarianism: only the Allied victory in the second world war “normalised” it once more in its northern heartlands. What is now taken for granted is a hard-won and historically recent achievement. The struggle for democracy was intertwined with social campaigns by labour, women and (in India) for national independence. In 1910, democracy was still fully to be established even in this core - there were limits in several places on universal male suffrage, and female suffrage still had to be fought for (with New Zealand and Australia pioneers in this regard). It is salutary to recall that even in 1960, parliamentary democracy was mostly confined to the core western societies of northwestern Europe, north America, and Australasia - though notably too in various southern countries (India, Sri Lanka, and Chile, for example). Their fear is a tribute to the achievement of this “Arab awakening”, however provisional the achievement remains in practical terms. It is notable in this respect that authoritarian regimes from Tehran to Beijing have curtailed access to information about the Egyptian and other dramas. The immense movement in Egypt in particular - the middle-east’s largest and most influential country - has opened the space for politics, in a way that has ramifications far beyond the region.

And it is too early to say whether the changes in Tunisia and Egypt (and the results elsewhere) will lead to the creation of recognisably democratic states, let alone what the regional and global impact of the events will be.īut everywhere, the unifying thread is opposition to authoritarianism and aspiration to democratic rule and the sense of a psychological break with the dictatorial past is unmistakable. True, the very different experiences of Arab countries - including the continuing strife in Libya, the protests in Bahrain, and the elite concessions in Jordan and Saudi Arabia - underline how variegated the process is and how uncertain the precise outcome in each case. The process that began in Tunisia in mid-December 2010 and led to the overthrow of the country’s president a month later, achieved a similar outcome in Egypt following over two weeks of mass mobilisations there, and has spread from Yemen in the east to Morocco in the west. If disabling AD blocker or change Web Browser not help to you please contact us.The epic events across the Arab world in the first months of 2011, diverse and many-sided as they are, can be understood as a single episode: the latest phase in the worldwide democratic revolution which has been remaking the world since the 1980s.

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